Sunday, October 31, 2010

ALL INDIA DEMOCRATIC WOMEN’S ASSOCIATION (AIDWA) RAISES MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS ISSUE - ‘PROTECT WOMEN FROM THESE NEW-BREED MONEYLENDERS’

ON October 22, a delegation of the All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) met the Reserve Bank of India’s regional director, Rajeshwar Rao, at New Delhi and handed him over a memorandum highlighting the problems being faced by women of the self-help groups (SHGs) due to the unethical practices of microfinance institutions (MFIs) which are charging exorbitant rates of interests from these SHG members and harassing the latter for repayments. The delegation demanded that a regulatory framework must be set up urgently, and a cap on interests rates introduced and effectively monitored. The delegation comprised AIDWA general secretary Sudha Sundararaman, assistant secretary Ashalata and CEC member Manjeet Rathee.

The RBI official responded positively to the suggestions and explained that the RBI was also seized of the matter. He assured the delegation that the committee that had been set up to look into the functioning of the MFIs and related issues would definitely take up these aspects for consideration.

The AIDWA has sent a copy of the memorandum to the finance minister, Pranab Mukherjee, as well and asked for a meeting with him at an early date.

NEW BREED OF MONEYLENDERS


In its memorandum, the AIDWA pointed out that it has been observing with concern the growing exploitation of poor women in self-help groups by unscrupulous microfinance institutions that are charging steep rates of interest and thereby forcing the already impoverished sections into a further debt trap.

In this connection, the organisation referred to the strong-arm tactics employed by commercial and profit oriented corporate MFIs for enforcing loan recovery. In this connection, the case of the SKS in Andhra Pradesh has come to light recently. According to the AIDWA, these are not exceptional cases but rather the rule. In fact, such coercive practices are being resorted to by the MFIs across the country. The number of these MFIs is also growing because banks have not yet developed a women friendly infrastructure necessary for catering to the self-help groups. More significantly, formal banking institutions have failed to meet the credit needs of poor women. It is reported that 35 MFIs in the country are controlling 85 per cent of the market, most of which is comprised of poor women.

It is therefore important that the government of India must intervene and ensure that the interests of the poor are safeguarded from the greedy profit motives of this new breed of moneylenders.

The AIDWA has also quoted its experience in Andhra Pradesh; this shows that by and large the MFIs are exploiting the people by levying very high interest rates and subsequently resorting to forceful collections as poor women are not being able to meet their demands. Statistics reveal that over the past few months, around 30 people have been forced to take their own lives simply because they were not able to meet the demands of such MFIs.

The modus operandi of these institutions is devious and results in undue harassment of the indebted women. Exploiting the situation that there are a large number of SHGs in the state of Andhra Pradesh, these institutions are targeting poor women, often in the name of eradicating poverty and offering welfare programmes for the poor. Once an MFI is able to persuade some women to form an SHG, the former imposes stringent conditions and pushes the hapless women into a debt trap. The MFIs get loans from commercial banks with the permission of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), and then give out loans at high interest rates by using the slab rate method. They also collect deposits even before giving out loans.

GENERATING A SEVERE CRISIS

Of all the Indian states, Andhra Pradesh is the best example of and is ranked first in the way MFIs have set up this web, trapping lakhs of poor and vulnerable women in their net. However, their mode of functioning involving high interest rates, forcible collections, harassment and physical beating etc is leading to a severe social crisis in the state. This is mainly because the banks’ linkages to the SHGs are by and large confined to paper. In the state of Andhra Pradesh, out of the 9.35 lakh groups, bank linkages have been given to only 4.3 lakh groups. This year, the Andhra Pradesh government had decided to give out Rs 12,000 crore in loans. However, only Rs 1,890 crore had been disbursed as loans till August this year. Since 2008, loans at the interest rate of 25 paise per month or 3 per cent per annum have been stopped. As a result, around 40 per cent of poor women are approaching the MFIs to meet their financial needs. It is reported that 30 such institutions have given loans worth Rs 25,000 crore in the state.

However, this is not a problem affecting only one state. In Orissa, recently, thousands of affected women came on to the streets of Bhubaneswar as part of a statewide protest rally on September 30. On the occasion, a delegation from the AIDWA met the finance minister of Orissa and the RBI authorities, bringing to their attention the extortionist practices of the MFIs in many of the rural areas. A survey done by the AIDWA shows that most of the MFIs charge interest on a flat rate basis, ranging from 15 to 45 per cent on an average; some were charging even highly exorbitant rates. The survey also revealed that most of the MFIs were contemptuous of the subsidy cum credit SGSY programme, generally referred to as Mission Shakti in Orissa. This is in total violation of the spirit of the programme that was intended to assist the below-poverty-line (BPL) groups. In fact, these MFIs have, in many cases, blocked the access of the self-help groups to the SGSY support. In the urban areas of Delhi too, the coverage of women’s SHG groups under the formal credit system is minimal. Here, most of the microfinance operations are carried out by an estimated 150 to 200 non-government organisations (NGOs). Many of these NGOs are unregistered and charge exorbitant interest rates of 25 to 50 per cent while banks charge only 10 to 14 per cent from these MFIs.

In all these states, the AIDWA has been raising the issue of high interest rates and unethical practices of the MFIs. In response, the Andhra Pradesh government recently promulgated an ordinance to regulate the MFIs. This ordinance and draft bill has capped the interest rate at 8 per cent above the basic bank interest rate. At the same time, there are reports that the RBI and the union finance ministry have recently issued advisories to regulate the MFIs and ensure that they do not charge more than 22 to 24 per cent interest rates. However, the AIDWA’s opinion is that while both these developments are in the right direction, it is essential that these regulatory measures are backed up by institutional mechanisms which can enforce these measures. There are media reports that the MFIs are challenging the Andhra ordinance and are certain to oppose any attempts to cap the interest rates. Hence it is necessary that the government must demonstrate the political will to resist this attempt of the MFIs and protect the interest of the poor women.

UNDULY HIGH CAPS

Further, both the 8 per cent cap above the bank interest rate suggested in the Andhra Pradesh draft law and the 22-24 per cent cap being suggested by the RBI and the union finance ministry are unduly high and unfair. One may note in this connection that it is today possible to get a housing loan for less than 9 per cent and personal loan for 12 to 13 per cent. Thus the suggested interest rate caps too are too high. But, why should the poor borrowers in rural areas pay such a high rate of interest to these institutions? The RBI and the government must cap the interest rate being charged by all MFIs at a rate that is only marginally higher than the prevailing interest rate in a commercial bank, so that microfinance is not a profit making activity based on the savings of poor and labouring women. In this regard, the AIDWA is of the opinion that the SHGs should be provided credit at subsidised, lower interest rates, no matter who they are taking loans from.

Further, there is no single regulatory framework for the MFIs at present, nor is there an adequate definition of what constitutes an MFI. They exist in several legal forms both for profit and not for profit, as trusts, societies, cooperatives, non-profit non-banking financial institutions (NBFCs) registered under Section 25 of the Companies Act and profit-oriented MFIs registered with the RBI as NBFCs. Since there is no capital adequacy requirement for these societies and trusts, they are not subjected to net owned funds requirements or prudential norms. Hence, a larger exercise of identification, registration, and monitoring has to be undertaken at the macro-level. Further, the regulations should also cover those NGOs that carry out micro-credit without being registered as micro-credit, thrift or cooperative societies.

In the light of the above facts, the AIDWA has asked the RBI to intervene in this matter urgently and ensure that the women organised into SHGs are not exploited and harassed by the MFIs. It is essential that the government not only regulate and curb the activities of these MFIs but also extend cheap credit facilities through formal banking institutions in order to ensure that they are not left at the mercy of the MFIs.

THE AIDWA’S DEMANDS


1) The government must put in place a regulatory framework under the Reserve Bank of India to monitor all microfinance institutions and NGOs who promote and form SHGs and carry out thrift and credit operations as subsidiary activities. It should constitute an official mechanism at the local level for registration and regulation.

2) This regulatory framework must curtail the high interest rates and the harassment resorted to by the MFIs. The interest rates of the MFIs should be capped and women should be provided loans at subsidised, lower interest rate, irrespective of what agency from which they are taking loans.

3) Stringent legal action should be taken against microfinance institutions which are indulging in extortionist practices, and have forced people to resort to suicides. Civil and criminal proceedings should be started against such organisations. Officials who resort to uncivilised methods for collections must be dealt with seriously.

4) The slab rate method of applying interest, and the system of weekly collections must be scrapped. Instead, the system of monthly collections may be adopted.

5) Infrastructural extension and easier accessibility of the SHGs to banks must be ensured.

6) There must be an expansion of credit facilities for all urban and rural women through direct banking operations. There must be fixed a target for all banks to provide at least 10 per cent of their credit to the SHGs under the direct linkage programme in rural and urban areas. Interest rates for loans to the SHGs should be fixed at 4 per cent. This will ensure that poor women are not forced to go the MFIs for loans.

7) The government must set up separate ministries to look into the SHG and micro-credit issues at the national and state levels. It must provide technical, financial and marketing support to micro enterprises.

8) The government must enact a law addressing all the above issues, to safeguard the interests of the increasing number of women who are organising themselves into SHGs, and to keep the MFIs and other similar bodies within a regulatory framework.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org
Vol. XXXIV, No. 44, October 31, 2010

Friday, October 22, 2010

OPPOSE FURTHER BURDENS ON PEOPLE

EDITORIAL OF PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY DATED 24-10-2010 ON
HIKE IN PETRO PRICES


WITH the recent hike in price of petrol by 72 paise per litre, the price of petrol has already been increased by Rs One per litre in a span of three weeks. By deregulating the petrol price, the oil companies have been given a free hand to increase the prices, on the plea of higher international crude price. The UPA-II government repeatedly spreads disinformation that the Left-supported United Front government of 1996-98 took the decision to deregulate the prices of petroleum products by dismantling the Administrative Price Mechanism (APM). What is left deliberately unsaid is that the Left had then opposed this move and under its pressure the United Front government announced the decision to dismantle the APM and simultaneously reduced the tax structure of duties on import of petroleum products to zero. However, this decision was implemented by the Vajpayee-led NDA government partially by dismantling APM but not reducing the taxes on petroleum products. The UPA-II government is carrying forward this legacy. This once again shows that as far as the neo-liberal economic policy trajectory is concerned, there is little difference between the Congress and the BJP. In the event, it is the aam admi that suffers.

When the UPA-II government came to power in May 2009, international crude price was 70 dollar per barrel and today the international crude oil price is 84 dollar/barrel, an increase of 12 dollar/barrel which means roughly Rs 3 per litre. But the petrol price in Delhi has gone up by Rs 7.44 per litre during this period. Moreover, the government is shirking its accountability for such a predatory non-transparent pricing tactics in the so called deregulated scenario.

The aam admi already hit by the continuous food inflation is being now subjected to the further inflationary effects of high oil pricing. If the market determines the prices of petroleum products, as dictated by neoliberal agenda of UPA-II government, the extreme volatility in the price of crude oil in international market would be transferred to the domestic market and would affect the common man in different segments in different ways. Today if it is petrol, affecting millions of two-wheeler users, tomorrow it will be the turn of diesel and then LPG & Kerosene. The government has tasted blood in petrol pricing to cover up its own contribution to the hike in the pricing of petroleum products through disproportionate and irrational taxation. As repeatedly noted in these columns in the past, the government imposes high ad valorem taxes on imported crude oil which is refined domestically to produce various petroleum products like petrol, diesel etc.

When international prices rise, so do government's revenues proportionately. While its revenues increase, the government hikes the prices in the name of international price rise. Thus, rather than return the increased revenues in the form of price reduction for the people, the government reaps a bonanza and imposes this burden on the people through higher prices. It is now on course to expand the area of deregulation further to increase its revenues even more. In the process it also helps the private oil corporates to rake in super profits by following the policy of import parity pricing, despite the fact that the domestic refining costs are much lower than the international costs.

The fallacy spread by the government that the petroleum sector is subsidised is therefore, totally wrong because there is no net subsidy in the sector if a comprehensive view of cash flow from and to the sector is taken. Inflow in the form of tax revenue from the petroleum sector is approximately three times the outflow in the form of so called subsidies. The debate on taxation and subsidies on petroleum products in the mainstream media is misleading as it is couched in words like ‘under-recovery’ which does not imply loss or profit in the traditional sense. This is so because under-recoveries are calculated on the basis of import parity pricing and not on the basis of actual cost of production.

The heavy taxes imposed on the retail price of petroleum products in India make them far more expensive than that in most other countries in the world. If taxes and levies imposed on petroleum products are valued in purchasing power parity terms, retail petroleum product prices in India would be among the highest in the world. Between products, the level of taxation is completely disproportionate to end-use of the product. For petrol the level of taxation is extremely high whereas for Aviation Turbine Fuel (ATF), used in aircrafts, the excise duty is less than one-third of the same. This is lower even than diesel, a product of mass consumption. This anomaly illustrates the class bias in pricing petroleum products. Low taxes on ATF are nothing more than a subsidy to the affluent segments of the society.

The deceptive tactics of the government are clear. While justifying price hike and deregulation, the prime minister and petroleum minister were shedding tears on the poor financial health of public sector Oil Marketing Companies (OMC). Now the same government has chosen one of these 'poor' OMCs viz IOC for disinvesting government shares worth a massive Rs 9000 crore to cover-up its revenue deficit. Similarly, the government collects Rs 8,500 crore approximately as cess from public sector oil producing companies like ONGC and Oil India. The government has ignored repeated recommendations of the parliamentary committee to form a price stabilisation fund with this cess to protect the aam admi from the vagaries of volatile international crude price rather than using this to bolster government revenues.

The government’s game of deception must be exposed. The price and tax anarchy through deregulation of petroleum pricing must end. Popular public mobilisations must be strengthened to force the government to stop treating the oil sector as a 'milch cow' to bolster its revenues at the expense of the aam admi.

Courtesy:
www.pd.cpim.org
Vol. XXXIV, No. 43, October 24, 2010

Wednesday, October 20, 2010

BRAZEN CONSTITUTIONAL IMPROPRIETY IN KARNATAKA

The Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has issued the following statement on October 11:

THE Polit Bureau of the CPI (M) strongly condemns the unconstitutional and undemocratic manner in which the BJP state government in Karnataka has sought to continue to remain in office. Sixteen MLAs (eleven BJP and five independents) were disqualified and not allowed to enter the assembly premises. As per the Supreme Court ruling in the Bommai judgement, a government has to prove its majority on the floor of the house to continue in office. Any disqualification of an MLA can occur only after the vote, when the party whip has been violated. Further, this cannot apply to independent MLAs. The Yeddyurappa government refused to have a division of votes in the house and relied on a voice vote to claim majority.

All this constitutes a brazen constitutional impropriety and cannot be allowed. The Yeddyurappa government cannot remain in office unless it establishes its majority through a division of votes on the floor of the assembly.

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org

Tuesday, October 12, 2010

ALL INDIA AGRICULTURAL WORKERS UNION DEMANDS CONTROL OVER PRICES OF FOOD

The All India Agricultural Workers Union has issued the following statement on October 1:

THE All India Agricultural Workers Union condemns the failure of the central government to control prices of food and the necessaries of life which have risen at an astronomic rate, now 16.44 per cent on September 19, 2010. This steady inflation has made it impossible for working people, especially those dependent on daily wages, to survive. Worse, the government is thinking of lifting the ban on sugar futures and possibly, of all controls on sugar production which will fuel the inflationary trend further.
In a country where well over half the population is living in dire poverty with some 84 crore people living on Rs 20 per person per day, such inflation could fuel serious food shortages and even man-made famine conditions. In this state of affairs simply raising interest rates on loans may have a negative effect on farmers seeking help to pay for the high price of inputs and consumption, compounding the distress.

What is urgently required is the strict implementation of MGNREGA, the immediate transfer of all the extra grain from FCI godowns and outside them (as numerous reports in the press indicate) to be delivered to states in the full quantity demanded by them to service the PDS adequately and to make it easier for the poorest sections to buy food by providing consumption loans at no interest at all to BPL and Antodaya beneficiaries. At the same time, the government should expand the number of items being sold by fair price shops to save the mass of our people from destitution.

Finally, despite all warnings, the central government, by raising the price of petrol, diesel and kerosene oil has fuelled inflation further. Now it has no other alternative than to reduce fuel prices to curb the inflationary trend. It is evident that the spurt in prices of vegetables and other perishables is directly related to increased transport costs. These must be reduced at once.

The state units of the AIAWU are now preparing to launch a countrywide agitation as the situation is fast coming to the point of “fight or die”. Things cannot be permitted to go on like this. A series of state agitations are planned with mass rallies (including before parliament) in November. The government would do well to take remedial measures before the people force them to do so.

Courtesy: www.pd.cpim.org

Wednesday, October 6, 2010

CPI (M) ON WEST BENGAL

THE POLIT BUREAU OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST) MET AT NEW DELHI ON OCTOBER 4 AND 5, 2010. IT HAS ISSUED THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT ON 5 OCTOBER 2010

The Polit Bureau heard a report on the political situation in West Bengal. The people of the Maoist-affected Jangalmahal have been resisting and protesting against the Maoist violence and intimidation. The people have mobilized in a big way to rebuff the Maoists in West Midnapore district. Upset at this development, the Trinamul leader Ms. Mamata Banerjee is demanding the withdrawal of the joint forces operating in the area and making wild allegations against the CPI (M).
Not only is the Trinamul Congress collaborating with the Maoists, recently the Railway Minister visited Darjeeling and is forging ties with the GJM who are bent upon dividing the state of West Bengal.

The CPI (M) and the Left Front will continue to expose these unprincipled alliances and fight such disruptive politics.
Source: www.cpim.org

Saturday, October 2, 2010

MINORITY DEVELOPMENT, RESERVATIONS AND BENGAL LEFT FRONT GOVT - Moinul Hassan

IN the recent past, there has been lot of discussion regarding the socio economic conditions of the Indian minorities and their development. This is a welcome shift as the discussions will definitely determine the positive role of the State, society and the individual in the coming days. Moreover, we will be able to know the minorities better. Greater information about the daily livelihood, the struggles, sorrows, ecstasy can be gathered by us. The intensity with which the society will open up, the eagerness with which it will express, the due prestige it will usher, will surely help in cementing the democratic roots. Therefore, a liberal social approach and understanding can be developed towards the issues of minority development and their social status. It’s not a question of the minorities benefitting alone but the society as a whole will reap the harvest. Two pre-conceived notions will also cease to exist. The sense of being deprived within the minorities and the notion of the majorities to be at the helm of all affairs will die a gradual death. These discussions are very essential and the ongoing process is the reason for us being optimistic about this.

INTEGRAL ISSUE OF MASS MOVEMENT

One more thing needs to be clarified at the outset. Who will be fighting for the development of the minorities? Is this a battle for equal rights that has to be waged by the minorities alone or is it a war wherein the entire cross section of the society needs to participate. The CPI(M) believes that the challenge of minority development is an integral issue of the entire democratic mass movement. A partial outlook cannot ensure the development of a state or of a particular area. One of the basic tasks awaiting our party is to change the correlation of class forces. The natural allies of the Left are scattered in different parts of the country. Being poor and deprived for long, the majority of the minorities have been the traditional supporters of the Left. However, there has been recently a shift in support base. This support has to be won back through protracted class struggles and by giving special emphasis on the developmental question. This fight has to be an integral part of the class struggle. The problems faced by the dalits, minorities and women are to specially emphasised. Otherwise, the society will be facing a hard division which will be hampering the class struggle in the long run, and the Left by any chance cannot let this happen. From this point of view and commitment the question of minority development is to be addressed.

Some facts and data are well known but still we mention them here once more to record that West Bengal is among the four states in India which has a high percentage of Muslim population. According to 2001 census, a total of 2.31 crore Muslims reside in West Bengal. But already there is a change in that number and the census of 2011 would confirm that. Overall, there is an estimate that one fourth of the entire Bengal population comprise Muslim minorities. They constitute 96 per cent of the total minority population in the state. In 12 districts of the state, Muslims constitute 25 per cent of the total population. In the three districts – Murshidabad, Malda and North Dinajpur – the Muslims constitute more than 50 per cent of the total population. The majority of these Muslims speak Bengali. The few Urdu-speaking Muslims mainly reside at three places namely Kolkata, Asansol and Islampur.

A large section of the Muslim minorities in West Bengal have remained socially, economically and educationally backward. Several steps are necessary to eradicate the backwardness of these sections, namely legal measures, government policy decisions and the flourishing of mass movement. Otherwise, there will be no change in situation. The three decades of the Left Front rule in West Bengal have witnessed various government policies giving economic assistance and prestige to the poor. Since a major number of the poor people belong to Muslim community so the Left front government has played its natural role while deciding on minorities' development. The Muslims in general are poorer and it is not at all unnatural that the Left Front government had taken decisions in their favour. Theoretical debates continue over the reasons behind the backwardness of the Muslims and the trend is going to continue in coming days. Not going into the details of those discussions, I need to throw light upon some essential matters.

IMPACT OF PARTITION


There cannot be any doubt that the partition played havoc upon the Muslim community in our state. Lakhs of Muslims crossed the border with the belief that “this is not my country”. They left back everything. Their abode, belongings, dreams, hopes, sorrows, joy everything was left back as they left their land amidst the campaign of why they will remain in India despite of Pakistan being created. Echoes of such campaign were there in the air in the then rural Bengal. A section of the middle class left in the hope of availing better facilities. The main motive behind the exit of that educated enlighted middle class was the availability of government jobs in the newly established Muslim state of Pakistan.

Beneficiaries of Patta/Barga under Land Reforms

Sl. No.
Item
Total no. of beneficiaries
Minority Beneficiaries
% of Minorities
1.
Patta
2422433
363520
15.01
2.
Barga
1513021
186053
12.30
3.
Land Acquisition (H.S. Land)
321755
36982
11.49

Loans from Banks to minorities


September, 2008
March, 2009
March, 2010
Total
-
51560 crores
60048 crores
Minorities
-
7486 crores
8864 crores
Percentage
8.69%
14.52%
14.76%

The primary stigma of the partition was cured with a huge ‘exchange’ of Muslims beyond the frontier, and the migration continued. The number was increasing radically. Riots, insecurity, and the absence of equal opportunity here had not left any option open except to cross the border. That was the time when most of the densely Muslim populated areas in West Bengal were affected by religious riots for small and petty reasons. Even incidents like the procession of Hindu idols, passing through the road in front of a mosque or distribution of the meat after qurbani, evoked confrontation between the two religions. However, it can be noted that these confrontations were always not caused by pure social reasons but sometime just for the shuffling of the religious trump cards by the political parties. That was the time when Congress was the ruling party in West Bengal as well at the centre. Many of the Congress leaders and workers were found to be associated with these communal riots in a direct or indirect fashion. The Left always stood firmly against such attempts to create communal riots, sometimes even at the cost of their supporters and activists getting killed in the process. Though the Left did not have that much mass base during that time, it used that limited force to tackle the disturbances, to regain the self-confidence and self-reliance of the people. It is another matter that this glorious role of the Left had also consolidated the mass base in due course. The minorities have always considered the leftists to be their friends. In 1964, a huge communal riot took place in and around Kolkata. The minorities were attacked significantly. The riot did not spread to the nook and corner of the state geographically but it ensued ripples of insecurity among the general mass of minorities. The terrorised population started to cross the borders in large numbers. The tiny middle class of Muslims left in Bengal gradually vacated the state for their new abode. Recently, a research work 'The Spoils of Partition' by historian Jaya Chatterjee has shown how the Muslims crossed borders at that time. Boys and girls belonging to Muslim families left school and colleges in a dangerous social environment of misbelief and confusion. The then administration was not in a mood to tackle the problems which had by and large increased the mental tension of the entire Muslim cross section of the population. Political efforts in this regard were never taken up. The Congress governments both at centre and the state kept their silence in this regard while the police administration made the situation more complex by indulging in partial activities. So, the natural corollary was there - the Muslims left the country.

MIRED IN POVERTY

The people who stayed back were mainly poor. Agricultural workers, craftsmen and daily wage workers constituted the bulk. Some upper class Muslim families were there in a very small number in each district but the middle class completely disappeared. The entire mood was akin to that of a deserted defeated soldier. All colours vanished from the life of the community. It will be easy for a social scientist to understand how difficult it was to crave their mode and path of development. Politicians are also social scientists in a way and they also have to understand the problems. At that time majority of the people in Bengal were poor. The majority of the Muslims were associated with agriculture and naturally they were very poor. The word “aakal” (scarcity) was a very common word to be used in the then Bengal. The agrarian production was very less. Food crisis was there. Irrigation facilities were poor. Developed seeds were not available. On top of this, the all powerful money lenders dominated the scene. All poor people were always aprehensive and the Muslims naturally had the lion’s share of the fear too. With poverty of this sort prevailing, thinking of having proper education was a matter of day dreaming. Wards were sent to work at other places not for money but at the cost of ensuring one square meal for them. Does social development happen in such conditions? The first priority was to feed the people. In various districts, documents explaining the socio-economic conditions are being published. We may look at the presence of the Muslims in the field of education after 1947. Let us furnish one example. Recently the celebrated Krishnanath College had its 150 years celebration. During the centenary and also now special numbers to commemorate the anniversary have been published. The lists of students yearwise have been furnished. The number of Muslim students is almost microscopic. If such is the condition in a Muslim dominated district of Murshidabad, it can be well understood what the situation in other parts of the state is.

(B) Total number of madrasahs in Bengal

High Madrsash
Sr. Madrasah

Junior High
High
H.S.
Alim (10 standard)
Fazil (10+2 standard)
Madrasah running with vocational courses
Total no. of madrasahs
104
387
167
102
42
103
605
(A)Total students – more than 4 lakhs
(B) Total post of teaching & non-teaching staff newly created 9662 .
(C) Total Urdu Medium Madrasah –17
(D) Total Girls Madrasahs - 39

Madrasah Service Commission (Founded in 2008)
Teachers recruited by the Commission:
Total: 990 in the year 2007
Total: 1750 (1655 Assistant Teachers, 79 Head Masters and 16 undergraduate teachers in the year 2008)
Total: 1332 (HM- 76, AT- 1236, UG -20)in the year 2009
Grand Total: 4072 candidates.
Out of the total candidates 93% are of Minority communities
So, where is the reality behind the campaign of educated Muslim youths being continuously deprived in jobs? It is true that there has been a change in situation now. The change did not take place all of a sudden. There have been long drawn struggles to restore peaceful democratic environment in the state. Both Hindus and Muslims have been an integral part of this struggle. The Left played a glorious role in cementing this bonding and waging a united fight. The working class and the peasantry had also played their role irrespective of religious affiliations. The hard drawn struggles paved the way for the creation of the Left Front government in the state. Innumerable comrades laid down their lives in order to ensure the establishment of the Left Front government. The establishment of the government was welcomed with huge exuberance in the villages and cities of Bengal. When we look back, we can clearly see that eradication of poverty was one of the main agenda of the new government. The minorities were comparatively poorer so naturally their development was prioritised. The same formulation holds true for schedule tribes, schedule castes and adivasis.

LF GOVT'S ACHIEVEMENTS

The first task undertaken by the Left Front government in West Bengal was to stop violence of all sorts. Along with political violence, the religious violence was also stopped thus helping the minorities to regain their lost confidence. The sense that there is no need to shift to Bangladesh or Pakistan started to gather momentum among them. The belief of India being their own country was strengthened. Government decisions alone were not capable of achieving this. The overall education, the strengthened democratic environment and the urge to safeguard the culture had also been responsible in accelerating this process. Another very important factor was the decentralisation of governance through elections to autonomous bodies. For long, there was no election in the municipalities and the panchayats. Common people were not even aware about the election process. The Left Front government kept its pre-election promise and devloved power to local bodies. Huge number of people participated in the process and naturally a large section of Muslims too became part of the administrative process. This is matter of great significance in independent India.
Never have Muslims in such large numbers either contested or got elected in elections. The campaign about Muslims not being part of the mainstream of the society was shattered thus giving the minorities a renewed self confidence.
The government was committed to the mass movement for achieving land reforms. The work began and West Bengal became became the best advertisement of land reforms in our country. Out of the total beneficiaries through land reforms in the country, 54 per cent were from Bengal alone. According to a report published on February 28, 2010 a total of 11.277 lakh acres of land in West Bengal have been distributed through land reforms, which has directly benefited 30.106 lakh farmers, 55 per cent of who belonged to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. This percentage will reach upto 75 per cent if we include the minorities benefeciaries. Another outcome of the land reforms was to provide the succession rights to the bargadars (sharecroppers) and record the names of daily wage workers in the fields. Till November 2009, a total of 15.37 lakh names have been recorded as bargadars.The total land amounted to 4.56 lakh acres. Out of the total recorded names, SC benefeciaries were 4.73 lakh, STs were 1.67 lakh and minorities 1.86 lakh. The distribution of the excess lands among the landless people is a regular process practiced by the state government, which has provided the maximum benefit to the downtrodden people of the state, and especially the minorities in huge numbers. Till the end of the year 2009, 4.56 lakh hectares of excess land was distributed among 29.89 lakh people. Among these benefeciaries, 11.03 lakh people belonged to the Scheduled Castes, 5.47 lakh to the Scheduled Tribes and 3.62 lakh to the minority community. (Source: The Economic Survey 2009-2010 and financial budget speech 2010-1011 delivered by the state finance minister)

Source: www.pd.cpim.org

INDIAN RAILWAYS RECRUITS TMC CADRES WITHOUT INTERVIEW THROUGH RAILWAY RECRUITMENT BOARD


DON'T BACK MAOISTS, BUDDHADEB WARNS TRINAMOOL - Raktima Bose

Asks police to be cautious when making arrests but strict in dealing with “murderers”.

He refutes Mamata's allegation that there was a bid to kill her on August 9
“By holding a rally, she will incite Maoists to kill more people”.

KOLKATA: Vowing to “uproot” the Trinamool Congress-Maoist combine from the soil of Paschim Medinipur district soon, West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee warned the Trinamool Congress leadership on Saturday against supporting the left-wing extremists.

Mr. Bhattacharjee was addressing a rally organised by the Left Front committee of the Maoist-affected district at Midnapore town.

Meanwhile, suspected supporters of the Maoist-backed Police Santrash Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee (PSBJC) set ablaze a truck near Lodhashuli in Jhargram on National Highway 6 shortly after the rally.

Superintendent of Police of Jhargram police district Pravin Tripathi said that 20 per cent of the truck was damaged before security forces deployed along the highway for the Chief Minister's visit rushed to the spot and extinguished the fire.
“Will only create chaos”.

Referring to Trinamool chief Mamata Banerjee's announcement that she would be visiting the district early next week, he said: “By holding a rally, she will only incite the Maoists to kill more people, render hundreds homeless and create chaos in the region. Every word that she utters is a lie. After the accident of the Jnaneswari Express that killed 149 people, she addressed a rally attended by the Maoists even as the investigating agencies found the rebels responsible for the mishap.”

Mr. Bhattacharjee also refuted Ms. Banerjee's allegation that there was an attempt to kill her on her way back to the city after attending the Lalgarh rally on August 9 as “one of her several lies.”

“No one wanted to kill her though she went on accusing the State government of plotting against her and even falsely implicated a Sikh driver of trying to kill her,” he said.

On Subsidies

Emphasising the need for providing subsidised foodgrains and creating employment avenues for the hundreds of homeless people who have recently returned to their villages, Mr. Bhattacharjee said he has asked the district administration to provide rice at Rs. 2 per kg to every poor person in the region irrespective of their Below Poverty Line (BPL) or Above Poverty Line (APL) status.
“The State government will provide additional funds required for the measure. I have also asked the administration to arrange for work for the people with available funds. On the issue of banks remaining closed most of the time due to the unrest, the administration will provide security to banks to function smoothly,” he added.

With reports of police atrocities on tribal villagers during security operations pouring in, Mr. Bhattacharjee asked the police to be cautious when making arrests but strict in dealing with “murderers.”

Jobs for 6,000

Saying that the boundary-building work at the site of the 10-million-tonne Jindal steel plant at Salboni in the district is expected to be completed by December, he added that about 6,000 people from the region would get employment once the plant starts functioning.

Courtesy: http://hindu.com/2010/10/03/stories/2010100363031100.

TRAIN ACCIDENT AT SAINTHIA - SOME QUESTIONS TO THE INDIAN RAILWAYS

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